Dr. Masab Al Alushi is currently working as a part-time researcher at the Gulf International Forum. He received his Ph.D. from the Fletcher School at Tufts University. He previously worked as an academic and as a journalist covering Iraq and the Arab Spring for Al Jazeera and the World Peace Foundation. His research focuses on Iraq, Iran, Shia militant groups, and critical security topics in the Middle East.he is the author of Hezbollah’s changing ideology (Palgrave 2020); his other books include “Insurgent Deterrence: Hezbollah’s Military Doctrine and Capabilities Against Israel,” “Hezbollah in Syria: Rebel Ideology, Interests, and Survival,” and “Insurgency, Proxy, and Dependency.” There are articles about:. How Hezbollah’s ideology governs its interests in relations with Iran. ” See a complete list of his publications here.
Where is the most exciting research and debate happening in your field?
The most interesting aspect of the study of the Middle East today is the rise of non-state armed groups that are both parallel to and independent of governments, and at the same time believe that it is their duty to protect the status quo. In Iraq, for example, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) played a key role in defeating ISIS, but they are undermining the sovereignty and legitimacy of the Iraqi government through continued attacks on U.S. military bases and repression of opposition. They also engage in illegal economic activities and play political roles, but do not seek to shape the political system according to their ideology. Similarly, in Lebanon, Hezbollah is the decision-maker in the war against Israel without coordinating with the government, and its military power exceeds that of the Lebanese army. In other words, it will be very interesting to see how the relationship between the government and these armed groups develops and how international actors react to it.
How has the way you understand the world changed over time, and what (or who) has caused the biggest shift in your thinking?
We humans continually adapt our information, biases, misconceptions, and behavioral tactics. Unfortunately, many people doubt that if this heredity ceases to be a factor in our lives, it will threaten our social status, relationships, and even our psychological foundations. Is not … That being said, my understanding of the world has changed as I have corrected and rejected many of the inaccurate lessons I had that helped me see events happening around me more objectively. A lot has changed. There are certainly costs to having an autonomous mind, but they are negligible when you consider being independent and, above all, being true to yourself. Many of Nietzsche’s ideas have had a great influence on my thinking, including destroying icons, questioning the premises of some beliefs, and building my own models of thinking. This process has taken years and will continue.
How has Hezbollah’s role in the region changed since the outbreak of the Israel-Gaza war?
Hezbollah is meticulously playing a supporting role to Hamas and is trying hard to avoid a major conflict with Israel for domestic reasons. This was evident in General Secretary Hassan Nasrallah’s much-anticipated speech following the start of the conflict between Israel and Hamas. Furthermore, Hezbollah recognizes that the political situation in Lebanon is unstable at best and that a broader conflict with Israel could lead to chaos, which Hezbollah seeks to create in its own backyard. I don’t want that. Lebanese society has been hit hard since 2019 by the coronavirus disease (Covid-19), the depreciation of the Lebanese lira, port explosions, and declining services. The demonstrations the country has witnessed are indicative of social discontent, which will be exacerbated by the conflict with Israel. As a result, the consequences if Hezbollah were to enter a broader war with Israel would be enormous.
inside you 2022 Publications, you make it clear that deterrence exists between Israel and Hezbollah because there is no confidence that they will succeed if the conflict escalates to war. Do the recent outbreaks of conflict represent changes significant enough to escalate to war?
The main tenet of deterrence posture between Hezbollah and Israel remains: an all-out war between the two would inflict heavy damage on both sides without guaranteeing the destruction of the adversary. However, what has changed in recent years is the introduction of a multi-front war against Israel through the so-called “Axis of Resistance.” However, as Hezbollah’s actions demonstrate, this approach also has its limits. This is because Hezbollah is not fully committed to supporting Hamas, and Israel has been able to maintain uninterrupted military operations in Gaza despite skirmishes on its northern border. It is also important to remember that deterrence between Israel and Hezbollah does not mean an end to Hezbollah’s hostility toward Israel. Rather, it shows that Hezbollah, at least for the time being, sees no benefit in an all-out confrontation with Israel while continuing to improve its military capabilities.
in your book Hezbollah’s changing ideology, you argue that Hezbollah increasingly views the conflict with Israel as a nationalist rather than a religious issue. What are the reasons for this change? How will it affect Hezbollah’s relationship with the Palestinian cause and their role in the conflict?
The Islamist universalist goals that Hezbollah embarked on in its early days have run into the rocks of reality. The idea of establishing an Islamic government similar to Iran’s in Lebanon or a unified Islamic state of all Muslims seems naive in retrospect to Hezbollah’s leaders. Furthermore, Hezbollah became more interested in Lebanese constituencies, and there was a subsequent shift from Islamist internationalism to Lebanese Shiaism. After all, Hezbollah must operate in an environment that lives under a consociational political system and a highly sectarian society. This involves continued sympathy for the Palestinians, but does not play a direct role in “liberating Palestine”. Nasrallah himself suggested in part of his speech that the task of liberating Palestine rests primarily on the shoulders of the Palestinians. Although Hezbollah’s mission is of a supportive nature, training Palestinian fighters, providing them with intelligence, and even, as it currently does, distracting the IDF in the north, Hezbollah has It was not the march on Jerusalem that he had envisioned.
How would you characterize Hezbollah’s political project within Lebanon since the 2006 war with Israel? How does Hezbollah’s role in the Israel-Gaza war impact that project?
One of the processes Hezbollah has undergone over the past few decades has been political integration. Since he participated in the parliamentary elections in 1992 and later became a member of the cabinet in 2005, Hezbollah gradually became focused on preserving the collegial nature of Lebanon’s political system. His main argument presented for Hezbollah to become more political was to protect its rear, especially after Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanon. However, it is becoming increasingly clear that Hezbollah is reluctant to pursue reform of its political system, unable to envision an alternative, and invested in its maintenance. In other words, Hezbollah sees the collapse of Lebanon’s fragile economic and political situation as a harmful development, and the Gaza war with the possibility of an all-out war with Israel threatens the very foundations of the Lebanese state, leading to an abyss. At the edge of He therefore maintains a delicate balance between his goal of supporting Hamas and at the same time trying to protect Lebanon from an all-out war with Israel.
inside you Publication in 2023 You claim that Hezbollah has reached a stage where it is no longer dependent on Iran for funding. How did we become more self-sufficient? How will this self-sufficiency change its role in the “axis of resistance” and could it influence the strategy of what is rapidly becoming a regional conflict?
Starting in the 1990s, Hezbollah started thinking more globally in terms of generating more revenue. One of the avenues the company pursued was funding from Shiite communities in each country. Many Shiites, especially Lebanese, supported Hezbollah in its cause against Israel and the role it plays in protecting Lebanon’s Shiite community. Additionally, Hezbollah engaged in drug trafficking and/or paid certain fees to allow drug production within areas such as the Bekaa Valley, at least according to many reports. Finally, Hezbollah has invested in its own operations in Lebanon and Iraq, although the latter case has not been well studied.
However, despite Hezbollah’s economic activities, its strategy is closely aligned with Iran and more specifically with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The relationship between the two goes beyond material, as Hezbollah is inseparable from Iran’s theocratic regime, and Hezbollah’s foundation, existence, and survival are closely tied to the foundations of Iran’s current rulers. . It is sometimes just as important that this relationship is very close on a personal level. For example, the daughter of former Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani married the son of Hezbollah official Hashim Safi al-Din.
As the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel intensifies, what impact will this have on Lebanon’s already fragile political and security environment?
The situation in Lebanon has worsened in recent years, and a war with Israel would plunge the country into the unknown. The implications will be political, economic and social, as the average Lebanese will wonder why Lebanon is fighting for the Palestinians at the expense of its own country. But there is no concrete benefit or justification. At the same time, war and peace decisions are in Hezbollah’s hands, and Lebanese society therefore places responsibility on Hezbollah’s shoulders. The loss of legitimacy will also include the Lebanese Shiites, Hezbollah’s popular base, which it cannot afford to antagonize. Not surprisingly, many Lebanese Shi’ites see Hezbollah as a force that protects their sect from attack by Lebanese domestic rivals and Israel. But that support will evaporate if Hezbollah’s wars with Israel, especially aimed at supporting the Palestinians, continue to be frequent.
What is the most important advice you can give to young international relations scholars?
My advice is to not just focus on the goal and enjoy the process. Embarking on a career in international relations is difficult, rugged, and uncertain, but this is one of the most appealing aspects of the international relations profession: taking the path less traveled. If you’re someone who gets easily excited by different opinions, seeks absolute truth, and doesn’t apply a multidimensional perspective to complex problems, you might be better off becoming a computer engineer.
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