
From tackling cyber threats to delivering important technological innovations, Australia and India have a strong partnership. This comprehensive series delves into the opportunities and challenges of both countries. Discover insights on technology trends in infrastructure, clean energy, quantum computing, semiconductors, and biotech. Explore policy issues such as multilateral agreements and skilled migration. Experts from Australia and India will show how both countries are contributing to building a safer and more prosperous digital future for the Indo-Pacific region. Here we consider key areas of potential technical cooperation.
As 2024 begins, the combined threats of Russia, Iran, China (and to a lesser extent North Korea) will continue to dominate and destabilize international security, but the key issue is democracy. It depends on how countries respond.
The answer must be that they respond proactively and collectively.
One of the most important geostrategic trends for Australia and Indo-Pacific stability is India’s emergence as a global player, increasingly aligned with the strategic interests of democracies, particularly the Quad partners.
In just a few weeks between August and September last year, India demonstrated its growing influence in a dizzying array of headline-grabbing moments. It hosted the G20, demonstrating its global convening power and ability to bridge the gap between developed and developing countries. He landed a spacecraft on the moon, participated in a Quad foreign ministers meeting at the United Nations, and became embroiled in an ugly rift with Canada over the murder of Sikh separatist leader Hardeep Nijjar (soon linked to a conspiracy). Similar accusations followed (in the continental United States).
It would be an exaggeration to say that we have entered a new multipolar era, but there is no doubt that India is on the rise. It is rightly seen as serving China’s global challenge of strategic balancing. And it leverages its status as a technology powerhouse in both domestic and international relations.
The importance of India’s rise does not mean ignoring Delhi’s deficiencies. Frankly, open exchange between friends is essential, but we need to be proactive with India to navigate these tense times defined by the intersection of critical technology and security, and the impact on our society. You are required to cooperate.
Both Pillar 1 and Pillar 2 of AUKUS were established as a direct response to the Chinese government’s combination of unprecedented peacetime military buildup and strategic goal of surpassing the United States in technological superiority. The Chinese government intends to use technology to control its own population, covertly influence open societies, and make the rest of the world dependent on Chinese technology so that any resistance to its invasion will be futile. Showing. This is the ultimate form of deterrence, and China’s economic, technological, and military power combined means that countries feel that pushing back against even Beijing’s most egregious actions will lead to retaliation.
While we have been smart with the AUKUS partnership and its focus on defense technology, India should now be seen as a top-tier partner across critical technologies that impact national security. Indeed, India’s active participation in the Quad and national resilience initiatives is driven by a similar recognition of Beijing’s technological potential. In direct response to territorial incursions and the growing influence of Chinese technology, Delhi became the first country in the world to de-risk its relations with China, resulting in banning companies including TikTok and WeChat for data reasons starting in 2020. Over 350 apps were banned. Concerns about security, privacy, and espionage.
India is not alone in having these concerns; all Quad countries, as well as other European countries such as the UK and the Netherlands, are trying to avoid risks, but unlike India, they are not affected by widespread bans. Are concerned.
We should learn from India instead of falling into the trap of always thinking that we have much to teach. After all, Indians are managing to survive without TikTok. Sure, it’s easier to ban such apps before society starts relying on them, but this is why an economic security strategy that combines Quad, AUKUS, and G7 among open societies That’s why it makes sense to build one. We need to ensure that India is a key player with a presence as a developer, market or both across diverse sectors such as 5G communications, energy security, space and military technology. .
India’s importance as a technology partner was further strengthened by the landing of Chandrayaan-3 on the Moon’s South Pole, making India the first country to land on the Moon and the fourth country to land on the Moon. became. The exclusive top tier of space powers consists of the two current superpowers, the United States and China, and the still-destructive but declining Russia (in addition to Japan, which recently launched its own lunar probe). New players, including India, are joining the market.
Australia is not part of this exclusive group, but it has a technological, geographical and interpersonal base. Given our common interests across all sectors of space, from civil to commercial to national security, Australia should seize the opportunity to work with India as a resurgent space power.
Australia has established space launch facilities in the Northern Territory, central Queensland and South Australia, giving at least two operational and viable options for strategic partners. Opportunities will extend beyond bilateral cooperation, with the establishment of the Quad Space Working Group during the Tokyo 2022 Quad Leaders Summit to focus on sharing space-based Earth observation data and long-term sustainability of space.
Both countries should build on existing partnerships between business and civil society and consider extending this cooperation to cooperation in space itself. The two countries have signed the NASA Artemis Agreement, which aims to establish a new approach to the sustainable use of resources on the moon and avoid conflicts over access to the resource-rich region.
Space technology is becoming increasingly important to every aspect of our lives. This provides increased visibility and benefits across other areas such as military, maritime, aviation, ocean health, and carbon and hydrogen monitoring.
Strategically, the message to Australia’s policy makers and decision-makers is clear. Space should not be an area that Australia devolves to its Quad partners, either as an economic enabler or to constrain Beijing’s strategic ambitions.
Moreover, embracing collaboration will be essential in a wide range of fields beyond space. As ASPI’s Key Technologies Tracker shows, China has laid the foundations for establishing itself as the world’s leading scientific and technological superpower. While the commercialization of research remains a key strength of countries such as the United States, we recognize trends in China’s high-impact technology research and recognize its potential for security in open societies. We need a deeper understanding of the impact of
Our rich data tracker also showed that the only realistic way for like-minded countries to compete with China is for India to work together as a key player and step up technological cooperation. .
For example, India ranks third in high-end research in biological manufacturing, including pharmaceuticals and environmental remediation, according to tracker data. It ranks second in the world for the subset of biofuels essential for energy security and climate protection. Simply put, these are technologies that impact national security and whose unreliable suppliers undermine our long-term sovereignty and military preparedness.
Any doubts about the national security significance of these critical technologies were supposed to be dispelled when the US Department of Defense released its biomanufacturing strategy in 2023. This is part of the Biden administration’s goal to “develop materials with new properties to enhance systems from hypersonics to high speeds.” On a submarine. Logistics and resupply schedules are significantly reduced. ”
India appears to recognize the power and urgency of such technologies, judging by the announcement of its own National Biofuels Policy and the launch of the Global Biofuels Alliance at the G20.
The prestigious Raisina Dialogue to be held in Australia later this year will be the perfect forum to discuss deepening cooperation between our two countries in these key areas.
India’s trajectory as a technology powerhouse that can help counter Beijing’s growing efforts to impose its will on the region does not mean it will become Australia’s next treaty ally. But Indian cooperation could be just as important. During the Cold War, we saw India, not an ally, lean toward the Soviet Union (with some unfortunate backing from friends, including the United States).
China’s aggressiveness and Russia’s unreliability helped to change course, leading India to opt for a revised path of engaging with all countries while aligning with the US and its partners. This can be confusing and even anxiety-provoking. However, India can participate in meetings with China and Russia, including through the BRICs group, while actively participating in the Quad. India sees the BRICs as giving it a tactical advantage and allowing it to keep tabs on countries that may not share its national or regional interests. In contrast, the Quad is built on strategic trust and common interests in the Indo-Pacific, with technology playing a leading role.
There is no doubt that Delhi’s Russia policy is not what Australia and other Quad partners would like. This should be considered a work in progress. As Minister Jaishankar said about the Ukraine war, India has chosen the side of peace. This should put China and Russia at odds and place them firmly in the deterrence and stability camp of India’s Quad partner policies.
We should heed that message and work with Delhi not only to help India compete technologically with China for its own economic independence, but also to contribute to regional deterrence and stability.
