“Occupational segregation and income deficiencies prevalent in the state today intentionally exclude and marginalize people of color and women, especially in care-oriented industries such as education, child care, health care, and human services, and reduce the value of their labor. It is a direct result of policies that underestimate power. Widespread.”

John McCarten/New York City Council Media Unit
Rally calling for wage increases for New York welfare workers in 2022.
We take time during Black History Month to honor the generations before us who fought to advance civil and human rights for Black Americans, while also recognizing the progress and human rights that have been achieved. It is also important to take the time to assess the ongoing efforts needed to protect. Achieve further progress that ensures true equity and opportunity for all.
A recent policy brief released by the Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies (FPWA) does just that, revealing the stark reality of economic poverty in New York City and across the state. Using the latest Self-Sufficiency Basic Needs Scale developed by the University of Washington, this overview shows that nearly 40 percent of New Yorkers struggle to afford just the basics, such as rent, food, and child care. It has been found. And because this measure only targets the cost of living, the number of New Yorkers who live without the resources they need to live with dignity and achieve financial security is certain to be even higher. Masu.
The data also revealed that people of color and women experience this economic poverty most severely. For example, in New York state, black households make up 13 percent of the total population, but 18 percent of households fall below basic needs standards. Intertwined systems of racism and sexism make the inequalities even more pronounced for women of color. For example, Black women experience disproportionately high rates of income inadequacy, with 57% unable to cover their basic needs, compared to 30% of white women and 26% of white men.
New Yorkers of color and women also bear the brunt of occupational segregation. These demographic groups often work in low-wage jobs with limited opportunities for economic advancement, perpetuating cycles of economic instability and limiting their ability to build wealth. In fact, people of color are overrepresented in all of the top 10 occupations, and the most households fall below basic needs standards. In contrast, workers in the top 10 highest-paying occupations were disproportionately white and mostly white men. These jobs not only have higher median hourly wages, but they also offer more benefits, such as health insurance, paid vacation, and family leave, to help build financial security.
But there’s more to this story. Even if people of color and women are able to get high-paying jobs, they still earn significantly less than white men. For example, a black female software developer earns an average of $23 less per hour than a white male, and she earns $47,000 less per year. This disparity widens even further in higher-paying occupations. Among the highest-paying professions, lawyers and judges, the pay gap between black women and white men is widening, with black women earning $37 less per hour than white men, or $70,000 per year. $6000 less.
This is no coincidence. The occupational segregation and income scarcity prevalent in the state today intentionally excludes and marginalizes people of color and women, particularly in care-oriented industries such as education, child care, health care, and broader human services. is a direct result of policies that undervalue the workforce. .
The depth and breadth of these inequalities requires bold policy changes and a “both-and” approach. First, we must dismantle the racist systems that perpetuate occupational segregation. We must also begin building pathways that enable wealth building and economic mobility for people of color, women, and other marginalized communities. Critical first steps include creating true cost-of-living measures that allow states and nations to truly understand what it costs families to achieve economic security. Masu.
It will improve access to education, strengthen labor rights and protection from discrimination and harassment, strengthen trade unions, and ensure workers have access to paid family and medical leave. means. Equally important are raising wages in jobs where New Yorkers are struggling to make ends meet, as well as increased child care subsidies, stronger benefit programs like cash assistance and SNAP, and more generous and comprehensive tax credits. There is a need for both to expand income support.
In addition to this, we must promote policies that expand access to homeownership and support wealth building, especially for Black households. Taken together, such policies will begin to meaningfully advance racial and economic justice in our cities, states, and nation.
Julia Casey is an Income Support Policy Analyst at FPWA.
